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The historic NO of the Italian people

19. January 2017
Declaration by National Council of the People's Liberation Movement Program 101 (P101)

The triumph of NO in the referendum ballot box represents the extraordinary victory of a people who knew how to say No to the attack on democracy, No to the requests of the oligarchs, both internal and external to the country, No to the incessant campaign of the media, No to the blackmail of fear. It is an historical event, which marks the beginning of a new phase with great possibilities of change.

2. The demand for alternative

After decades of passivity, we are seeing the first stirrings of a deep social awakening. The crisis has dug into the minds and hearts of millions of people. This is still a shapeless feeling, primordial for some aspects, but precisely for this reason, potentially disruptive. What can we say for sure – it has clearly manifested in this intense election campaign – is that it is developing a new political request, that of a true political and social alternative.

3. A class vote

Both the direct experience that the specialist research tell us that of December 4 was a class vote. The No’s landslide victory in the factories, among the unemployed, in the most impoverished groups of self-employment among young people. The extraordinary result of the South (72.2% in Sardinia, 71.6% in Sicily, 68.5% in Campania, 67% in Calabria, 67.2% in Puglia) to report as the vote has followed a social divide, which has deepened during the crisis. A fracture from which emerge clearly two social blocks: those who are still doing well, and choose preservation of the status quo; and the majority, who is having a hard time, and it’s pushing for a reversal of the current situation.

4. The NO to the Europe

Among the many reasons for the NO, stands the desire to win back sovereignty. The desire to free ourselves from passivity in the face of monstrosity of capitalist globalization cannot evade the central theme of sovereignty. Which, in this phase of Italian situation, means first of all breaking with the European Union, the reconquering of political and monetary sovereignty as the basis for a new political sovereignty, both popular and democratic. Truly, the referendum was also on Europe. Not only for the content of constitutional changes, but also to the clear pronouncement EU in support of Renzi. That of the Italians was therefore a no directed not only to the government of Rome, but also to the oligarchies Pro-UE

5. The B of the ruling classes plan

In front of the earthquake of December 4, the centers of political power, as well as those of economic power, now have a single plan: to take time, to postpone the elections as long as possible. All the moves made until now points in that direction. Those of Republic’s President Mattarella, the ongoing maneuvers inside the Democratic Party, the pressure exerted by the media. This plan is both strong and weak at the same time. It is strong, because it relies on the mentioned above powers, on a clear, even if mixed, parliamentary majority, on the profound limitations of the opposition forces, in first place their incapacity to arrange a direct mobilization of the people. But also weak, because it is based on broad rehash of mini arrangements, under a modest sail in sight in a sea which is in a (economically and socially) storm, on a majority inside the institutions which has no correspondence at all to the majority inside the country.

6. The economic chickens come home to roost

Ruling classes “Plan B” seems to be totally inadequate to address the economic storms that are announcing. From Europe has already arrived (note, on December 5 …) the request for an adjustment of accounts for 15 billion. About the banks it seems that – despite the difficulties (which we predicted a lot of time ago) in recapitalization underway or already announced – is going to start an emergency plan, with lots of public intervention and a request intervention from the ESM, the European fund which will answer the request only on condition of new heavy sacrifices. This is Renzi’s legacy, whose policy of postponing every problem to after the referendum delivers now a tangle of potentially explosive issues.

7. The contradictions within the ruling bloc

In this context, the serious contradictions within the ruling bloc have to be made evident. On one hand, we have the vast majority of supporters of the plan B, who aims the numbing of the country, on the other the revenge plans of the band of Renzi’s personal supporters. If the formers will prevail, it would mean the disproving of the narration of a “change from above” that had made strong the now former prime minister, thus eroding even more consent to a majority government increasingly asphyxiated. If instead Renzi were to prevail, it would be very difficult to postpone early elections beyond the next spring. In either scenario, it is vital that those who want to propose an alternative government should organize as soon as possible.

8. Collect immediately the thrust of the NO people

It would be a serious mistake to not collect properly the extraordinary thrust of the “NO people”. The 19.4 million of NO are the basis of any prospect of change. The basic committees, which were all over the engine of this tremendous accomplishment, must stand up and gear up for the new political phase, which is now opened. Despite their differences, it is from this reality that we must begin. Program 101 therefore warmly welcomes the decision of the National Committee for the No to promote a great assembly of all the committees by mid-January.

9. For a constitutional bloc

And from this passage that will take shape a constitutional bloc, based on the principles and application of the Constitution of 1948. A block able to compete on the electoral terrain, with its own program of government, with a policy of alliance with M5S.

10. For a government proposal to the occasion

In order for the proposal to a popular government and constitutional emergency to be credible, it must met some conditions. M5S, which has the greatest responsibility, must take note of the impossibility to govern alone, and not only for numerical reasons. The end of its “self-reliance” policy will be facilitated only by building a broad constitutional bloc, which must beat every other attempt to put the hat on the great people of NO from anyone. This is the condition to reach a government program, made of few but decisive points (and first of all a plan to eradicate unemployment), to take over the reins of the country in this delicate moment of his history. We can see clearly that the NO Avalanche gave us this unique opportunity, that would be disastrous not to grasp.